Friday, 29 June 2012
Wednesday, 27 June 2012
Extended toll period mooted for
proposed flyovers
The State government is probing different options,
including extending the toll period for the proposed overbridges on the
Edappally-Aroor NH bypass so that motorists would not have to give huge amounts
as toll, the Minister for Public Works V.K. Ebrahim Kunju said on Saturday.
His statement comes in the wake of the National Highways
Authority of India stating that the existing toll rates would have to be hiked
manifold once the four flyovers on the 16-km stretch are ready. The flyovers
are expected to cost Rs.1,200 crore, whereas four-laning the Vyttila-Aroor
stretch (for which toll is being collected) cost Rs. 191 crore. Speaking to The
Hindu here, Mr. Kunju said that increasing the toll period would be among the
options that the State government would suggest to the NHAI to lessen the
burden of the toll on motorists.
Crossing the
four junctions on the bypass has become a nightmare for motorists and
pedestrians because of the phenomenal increase in number of inter and
intra-district vehicles.
Speaking on the
toll issue, PWD Secretary Manoj Joshi said that various options would be tried
out so that a “practical” toll rate can be arrived at by the NHAI and the State
government. “The options include extending the toll period, and subsequently
the time span for which the contractor would have to maintain the bypass and
the four flyovers in good condition. We cannot collect a huge toll from
motorists for using the small bypass.”
Asked whether it
is appropriate to collect toll from vehicles using the bypass that is located
within the city, Mr. Joshi said the NH bypass in Kochi is not a typical
highway, since it is part of the city. But the NHAI has a common toll policy
for its roads within city limits and those outside it.
The NHAI had
recently estimated the cost of building flyovers at the congested Edappally,
Palarivattom, Vyttila and Kundanoor junctions on the bypass at Rs. 1,158 crore.
Two flyovers each have been mooted at Edapally, Palarivattom and Vyttila
junctions. They are expected to be ready in three years’ time.
Later, speaking
to the media at another function, Mr Kunju said that a report on building a
overbridge or underpass at the Vathuruthy level crossing in Willington Island
has been sought within a month from a team of experts from the Indian Navy and the
RBDCK.
“The Navy has
suggested an underpass since a flyover might affect the operation of its
aircraft from the adjacent naval airport,” he said.
The overbridge
proposal was discussed at a meeting convened here on Saturday by Mr Kunju and
Mr Thomas. This is because of the expected increase in the flow of vehicles
through the existing railway level cross following the commissioning of the
Venduruthy-Vikrant overbridge.
This apart, more
trains are expected to call at the Harbour Terminus railway station once the
new railway bridge parallel to the Venduruthy bridge is opened.
[Hindu Report]
Monday, 18 June 2012
| Toll collection will jump 5-fold to Rs 10k cr by 2014: Nath |
| Press Trust of India / New Delhi May 26, 2010, 15:20 |
| The government today said that toll collection on national highways will jump five-fold to Rs 10,000 crore in next four years, but leakage is still a concern, for which new policy measures will be put in place... |
NH47 widening width
George Joseph / Kochi May 29, 2010, 01:03 IST
The Kerala cabinet is divided over the issue of the width of new National Highways (NHs) in the state, stretching from Kasargod in the north to Thiruvananthapuram at the other end.
This has become a political issue due to the state’s high population density. Building wider highways -- either new ones or expanding existing ones -- would mean evictions in this politicaly volatile state.
Two ministers in the Left Democratic Front (LDF) government have strongly protested against the decision of a recent all-party meeting and the government’s own stand, on reducing the width of four-lane highways to 30 metres, from the Centre’s proposal of 45 metres.
Minister for local bodies, Paloli Mohammedkutty, said the highways should be built with a width of at least 45 metres. Otherwise, the state’s development would be affected and the central government might deny aid for highways. He got support from Transport Minister Jose Thettayil, who also advocated 45-metre, four-lane highways in the state.
Industries Minister Elamaram Kareem is also known to be a supporter of Paloli and Thettayil. The current ‘division’ over the width of highways is not only restricted to the state cabinet, but also in the LDF and the CPI(M), the main party in the ruling front.
The central government had earlier intimated that new highways should be developed on a build-operate-and-transfer (BOT) basis, with a width of at least 60 metres.
This created widespread protests across the state, as thousands of families face the threat of being evacuated. According to Hashim Chennambilly, who is spearheading a protest against building 45-metre-wide roads, at least 350,000 families should be evacuated across the state.
Considering this, the central government had approved a 45-metre width for the highways in Kerala. The state has a population density of 819 per sq km, one of the highest in the country, as against the national average of 324.
The government had convened an all-party meeting and sent a delegation, including the chief minister and the leader of opposition, to the Prime Minister to cut the width to 30 metres, considering the state as a special case.
A sharp increase in the number of vehicles in the state in recent years has created turmoil on the roads, especially in major towns like Kochi, Kozhikode, Alappuzha and Thiruvananthapuram. Every year, road collisions in Kerala claim about 4,000 lives, costing about Rs 600 crore to the government, according to the police. So, a majority of political leaders favour wider highways as essential for the development, especially in the information technology, tourism and industrial sectors.
Trade bodies like the Kerala Chamber of Commerce and Industry have strongly demanded that the NHs should be developed with a width of 45 meters.
PTI Apr 5, 2011, 07.05pm IST
NEW DELHI: The government on Tuesday said it plans to build two new expressways linking neighbouring pink city Jaipur and Chandigarh to the national capital -- ventures that are likely to cost up to nearly $3 billion (Rs 12,750 crore).
"The Centre has decided to build Delhi Jaipur and Delhi-Chandigarh expressways. Ministry officials will take up the issue with states of Delhi, Rajasthan and Haryana. Once they come on board, we will get the detailed project report," Road Transport and Highways Minister CP Joshi told PTI.
The move comes at a time when the Government is re-examining a proposal to set up Expressway Authority of India (EAI) on the pattern of National Highways Authority of India (NHAI) to facilitate building over 18,000 km of roads for high speed traffic entailing Rs 4,50,000 crore investment.
Asked about proposed cost for both the expressways, Joshi said that these are yet to be assessed.
However, going by estimates of Rs 18 crore (rpt) Rs 18 crore per km for a four-lane expressway and Rs 25.5 crore (rpt) Rs 25.5 crore per km for a six-way project, the total cost of both the schemes comes in the range of Rs 9,000-Rs 12,750 crore. Sources said both the expressways would comprise 250 km stretches each.
Joshi said the need for the expressways to both the state capitals was felt in view of increasing traffic. Present highways - Delhi-Jaipur stretch on NH-8 and Delhi-Chandigarh stretch on NH-1-- witness heavy traffic.
Both the projects would be on new alignments. Asked about existing norms that restricts Centre from building competing roads to present tolled highways, the Minister said the proposed expressways would start from new points to avoid contractual issues.
Expressways provide unhindered, high-speed, and safe movement of traffic and the government last year had announced setting up an EAI, a nodal body to build 18,637 km of expressways in three phases by 2022.
The Transport Ministry in December, 2008, had hired a consultant for formulating the master plan for the national expressway network in a phased manner, which was accepted by the government.
However, the plan was later shelved with the government saying it was facing problems in land acquisition and the issue was being re-examined.
Meanwhile the government plans to build 10,000 kms of expressways under phase VI under the National Highways Development Project (NHDP).
The project is India's largest highways programme to build and upgrade 54,000 km of roads at an estimated expenditure of Rs 3 lakh crore.
NHDP is being executed in seven phases.
S&P warns India risking investment downgrade; Rupee, Sensex fall
IANS – Mon 11 Jun, 2012 7:41 PM IST
Mumbai, June 11 (IANS) International ratings agency Standard and Poor's
Monday warned that India may lose its investment-grade rating because of slowing
growth and political roadblocks to economic policy-making, among other reasons.
The assessment jolted the equity markets, with the Bombay Stock Exchange's benchmark Sensex snapping five days of gains to close at 16,668 points, after having hit an intra-day high of 16,893.
And the Indian rupee fell to a week-low of 55.74 against the dollar weaker than Friday's close of 55.42 against a dollar. In the volatile currency markets, the rupee moved 73 paise in intra-day trade touching a high of 55.08 and a low of 55.81 during the day.
In its report "Will India be the first BRIC fallen angel", S&P said the government's reaction to the vulnerability to economic shocks could largely determine whether the country can maintain an investment-grade rating or become the first "fallen angel" among the BRIC nations comprising Brazil, Russia and China besides India.
The S&P's warning came in less than two months after it revised India's outlook from stable to negative. It reaffirmed the country's sovereign credit rating at investment grade at that time but suggested that the probability of a downgrade was higher than before.
India currently has the 'BBB-' long-term sovereign credit rating.
The report examined the forecasts for economic growth, and the possible effects on business confidence and the government's commitment to economic reform.
"The combination of a weakening political context for further reform, along with economic deceleration, raises the risk that the government may take modest steps backward away from economic liberalization in the event of unexpected economic shocks. Such potential backward steps could reverse India's liberalization of the external sector and the financial sector," said Joydeep Mukerji, S&P's credit analyst.
"Setbacks or reversals in India's path toward a more liberal economy could hurt its long-term growth prospects and, therefore, its credit quality," said Mukerji.
The report also suggested that despite recent problems, the Indian economy remained in much better shape to withstand heightened global uncertainty than it was in the early 1990s when it faced a balance-of-payments crisis that triggered the economic reforms.
The assessment jolted the equity markets, with the Bombay Stock Exchange's benchmark Sensex snapping five days of gains to close at 16,668 points, after having hit an intra-day high of 16,893.
And the Indian rupee fell to a week-low of 55.74 against the dollar weaker than Friday's close of 55.42 against a dollar. In the volatile currency markets, the rupee moved 73 paise in intra-day trade touching a high of 55.08 and a low of 55.81 during the day.
In its report "Will India be the first BRIC fallen angel", S&P said the government's reaction to the vulnerability to economic shocks could largely determine whether the country can maintain an investment-grade rating or become the first "fallen angel" among the BRIC nations comprising Brazil, Russia and China besides India.
The S&P's warning came in less than two months after it revised India's outlook from stable to negative. It reaffirmed the country's sovereign credit rating at investment grade at that time but suggested that the probability of a downgrade was higher than before.
India currently has the 'BBB-' long-term sovereign credit rating.
The report examined the forecasts for economic growth, and the possible effects on business confidence and the government's commitment to economic reform.
"The combination of a weakening political context for further reform, along with economic deceleration, raises the risk that the government may take modest steps backward away from economic liberalization in the event of unexpected economic shocks. Such potential backward steps could reverse India's liberalization of the external sector and the financial sector," said Joydeep Mukerji, S&P's credit analyst.
"Setbacks or reversals in India's path toward a more liberal economy could hurt its long-term growth prospects and, therefore, its credit quality," said Mukerji.
The report also suggested that despite recent problems, the Indian economy remained in much better shape to withstand heightened global uncertainty than it was in the early 1990s when it faced a balance-of-payments crisis that triggered the economic reforms.
S&P warns India risking investment downgrade; Rupee, Sensex fall
IANS – Mon 11 Jun, 2012 7:41 PM IST
Mumbai, June 11 (IANS) International ratings agency Standard and Poor's Monday warned that India may lose its investment-grade rating because of slowing growth and political roadblocks to economic policy-making, among other reasons.
The assessment jolted the equity markets, with the Bombay Stock Exchange's benchmark Sensex snapping five days of gains to close at 16,668 points, after having hit an intra-day high of 16,893.
And the Indian rupee fell to a week-low of 55.74 against the dollar weaker than Friday's close of 55.42 against a dollar. In the volatile currency markets, the rupee moved 73 paise in intra-day trade touching a high of 55.08 and a low of 55.81 during the day.
In its report "Will India be the first BRIC fallen angel", S&P said the government's reaction to the vulnerability to economic shocks could largely determine whether the country can maintain an investment-grade rating or become the first "fallen angel" among the BRIC nations comprising Brazil, Russia and China besides India.
The S&P's warning came in less than two months after it revised India's outlook from stable to negative. It reaffirmed the country's sovereign credit rating at investment grade at that time but suggested that the probability of a downgrade was higher than before.
India currently has the 'BBB-' long-term sovereign credit rating.
The report examined the forecasts for economic growth, and the possible effects on business confidence and the government's commitment to economic reform.
"The combination of a weakening political context for further reform, along with economic deceleration, raises the risk that the government may take modest steps backward away from economic liberalization in the event of unexpected economic shocks. Such potential backward steps could reverse India's liberalization of the external sector and the financial sector," said Joydeep Mukerji, S&P's credit analyst.
"Setbacks or reversals in India's path toward a more liberal economy could hurt its long-term growth prospects and, therefore, its credit quality," said Mukerji.
The report also suggested that despite recent problems, the Indian economy remained in much better shape to withstand heightened global uncertainty than it was in the early 1990s when it faced a balance-of-payments crisis that triggered the economic reforms.
The assessment jolted the equity markets, with the Bombay Stock Exchange's benchmark Sensex snapping five days of gains to close at 16,668 points, after having hit an intra-day high of 16,893.
And the Indian rupee fell to a week-low of 55.74 against the dollar weaker than Friday's close of 55.42 against a dollar. In the volatile currency markets, the rupee moved 73 paise in intra-day trade touching a high of 55.08 and a low of 55.81 during the day.
In its report "Will India be the first BRIC fallen angel", S&P said the government's reaction to the vulnerability to economic shocks could largely determine whether the country can maintain an investment-grade rating or become the first "fallen angel" among the BRIC nations comprising Brazil, Russia and China besides India.
The S&P's warning came in less than two months after it revised India's outlook from stable to negative. It reaffirmed the country's sovereign credit rating at investment grade at that time but suggested that the probability of a downgrade was higher than before.
India currently has the 'BBB-' long-term sovereign credit rating.
The report examined the forecasts for economic growth, and the possible effects on business confidence and the government's commitment to economic reform.
"The combination of a weakening political context for further reform, along with economic deceleration, raises the risk that the government may take modest steps backward away from economic liberalization in the event of unexpected economic shocks. Such potential backward steps could reverse India's liberalization of the external sector and the financial sector," said Joydeep Mukerji, S&P's credit analyst.
"Setbacks or reversals in India's path toward a more liberal economy could hurt its long-term growth prospects and, therefore, its credit quality," said Mukerji.
The report also suggested that despite recent problems, the Indian economy remained in much better shape to withstand heightened global uncertainty than it was in the early 1990s when it faced a balance-of-payments crisis that triggered the economic reforms.
Infrastructure bonds to make people partners
Last Updated : 22 Feb 2012 11:20:20 AM IST
THIRUVANANTHAPURAM:
With
a view to facilitate land acquisition for development purposes and make
the sellers of land part and parcel of growth, the Revenue Department launched
discussions on Tuesday on IIM-K mooted Kerala Infrastructure Bonds. The
discussions were held during a workshop held here. Kicking off the discussions,
Revenue Minister Tiruvanchoor Radhakrishnan said that the State Government
aimed to give a new direction to land acquisition and utilisation, with the
involvement of the people.
"At
present only the fair value at the point of time of sale is given for the land
acquired by the government. With the proposed transferable infrastructure
bonds, future appreciation at given intervals will be ensured and the
seller of the land will become part of the growth story.
"We
have successfully implemented the Moolampally rehabilitation package for
evictees of land earmarked for development. The bonds may turn out as a boon
for investment in the state,’’ he said. Addressing the workshop, Industries
Minister P K Kunhalikutty said that the proposed bonds will augur well for a
quantum change in the industrial front. "Land is rare in the state. Land
also has a market with scope for investment,’’ he said. "Where do you
invest if here is only agricultural land everywhere,’’he asked. He felt that
all hurdles in a demarcated area for development should be removed on a fast
track.
"There
should be a master plan for development. There is little logic if someone
sticks to one acre or even ten cents of agricultural land in a Corporation
area, when investment or development projects are planned,” he added.
Panchayats Minister M K Muneer reminded that making people part and parcel of
any development initiative is important and it is to be ensured that those
surrendering their land should stand to benefit. “People are vigilant but not
against development if they benefit from it,’’ he said. He said that though the
KSTP road development project was the only project in the state where
land acquisition was completed within a short span of time, the government was
not able to keep its word to construct shopping complexes to rehabilitate
displaced traders.
FARM
LAND
On
the issue of agricultural land conversion for non-agricultural purposes,
the Revenue Minister said that he personally felt that there were some
unscientific provisions in the Kerala Conservation of Paddy Land and Wetland
Act, leaving large tracts of land unutilised which could be used for
development purposes. "There is no doubt that paddyfields and wetlands
should be protected .But there are many barren areas covered under the Act
which could be utilised,’’he said. Later ,addressing a news conference, the
Revenue Minister clarified that in the event of a landowner opting full
value of the surrendered land instead of transferable bonds, the market value
will be given as in the case of the KSTP project acquisition.
Lacunae
of Infrastructure Bonds
One
lacunae pointed out by a three-member team of Saji Gopinath, Abhilash Nair and
Kaushik about the infrastructure bonds at the workshop was that only the fair
price and not market value of land will be taken into account for land
acquired. In the Kerala market, the ruling price of land is anywhere in the
range higher by 200-300 per cent more than the government fixed fair price
value. Also, if any initial amount is paid at the time of the acquisition,
bonds will be issued for only the remaining part of the assessed value.
Additional Chief Secretary (Revenue) Niveditha P
Haran, Securities and Exchange Board executive director Ananda Baruha, Finance
Principal Secretary V P Joy, Higher Education Principal Secretary K M Abraham,
LSG Secretary R K Singh and others took part in the discussions.
The National Highway Expansion And Kerala State
Posted Date: 03-Jun-2010 |
Rating:
 |
|
Author: Lijin T
|
Disadvantages
of NH expansion, Highway expansion in kerala
Development should not hinder the needs of the present and the future.
If this project happens, there are serious issues related to the land
acquisition. The widening of a one km stretch will affect 310 families, 1076
people and 51 buildings. Thus the whole project will ruin 17 257,300
families, 903,840 people and 42,840 buildings.
1. For a densely crowded state like Kerala, a plan like this will lead the loss of many settled houses, industries and firms.
2. Increase in the cost of travel.
India's Highways
Follow A Crooked Path by K.P. Narayana Kumar | Nov 2, 2010
Beneath India’s grand scheme to build a world class
highway network lies a web of corruption and inefficiency Sometime in the month
of May, the anti-corruption unit of the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI)
got an anonymous tip off. The caller was an official in the National Highways
Authority of India (NHAI). The whistleblower told the CBI that some of his
colleagues were on the take, helping contractors with sensitive inside
information on highway projects. The caller gave the investigators names and
asked them to watch an upcoming tender that was rigged.
The information trail led the CBI to NHAI’s chief general manager, S.K. Nirmal, a general manager, Nitin Jain and a Rs. 2,000-crore upcoming tender to build a 174-km highway connecting Nagpur in Maharashtra to Betul in Madhya Pradesh. “Our investigators came to know that these two were regularly in touch with executives with some private companies and had discussed details pertaining to a particular tender that was soon to be opened,” a CBI official told Forbes India, preferring to remain unnamed.
A few days later Oriental Structural Engineers Pvt. Ltd. (OSEL) won the Nagpur-Betul highway tender. The CBI moved quickly and raided the two NHAI officials’ residences and also the homes of OSEL managing director, K.S. Bakshi, and an employee of the firm, S.K. Dixit. Sleuths found Rs. 2.87 crore in cash at the homes of the two NHAI officials. What happened later was intriguing. All the four arrested persons were released on bail because the CBI did not file a charge sheet and NHAI signed the concession agreement with OSEL for the Nagpur-Betul highway. The CBI insists that investigations are continuing but enquiries reveal that the pace is snail like. NHAI says that signing the concession agreement was perfectly normal since the letter of award had already been issued. It says the contract will be terminated if fraud is proven.
The incident brought to light the nexus between powerful contractors and officials of NHAI that not only undermines the tendering process but also roads minister Kamal Nath’s target of building 20 km of highway every day. Yet when CBI wanted to question NHAI board member S.I. Patel in connection with the case, the road transport ministry did not allow it. Minister Kamal Nath did not speak to Forbes India for the story, neither did his office reply to emailed queries. NHAI insists that the clearance has to come from the ministry. But the real mess is at the Authority.
“I don’t think the NHAI is completely clean,” says its chairman Brijeshwar Singh in a rare admission for a government arm.
It would be difficult for the tall, soft-spoken bureaucrat to maintain otherwise. Insiders and people familiar with the organisation say that NHAI officials have capped their signing pens after the CBI started showing interest in highway contracts. NHAI has given out just three contracts in as many months. “No one’s willing to sign on files any more. People are scared that every contract they sign on would be investigated,” says a top bureaucrat familiar with the situation.
Rigging the Wheel
The Nagpur-Betul highway project began courting controversy even before the CBI entered the picture. NHAI disqualified L&T, one of the 13 companies that had participated in the tender, saying that its request for qualification (RFQ) document was not serially numbered. The company filed a writ petition before the Delhi High Court challenging the disqualification but later withdrew it. In its petition, the company had said that the ground on which it was disqualified was “…an incorrect observation and was very easily rectifiable.”
NHAI responded that other applicants could accuse it of acting in an arbitrary manner if it prequalified L&T despite its application not conforming with RFQ documents. Enquiries suggest something else. An executive with one of the bidders in the Nagpur-Betul contract says that his company as well as others got telephone calls from a rival asking them to withdraw their bids. He says it was not the first time.
“There have been several instances of companies getting calls asking them to withdraw their bids. In this case too, such calls were made,” says the executive whose company has participated in several large tenders. He said that it was difficult to imagine that the top brass at NHAI was unaware of such incidents.
“The bane of this whole highways programme is corruption. The Authority never penalises the contractors despite their shoddy performance and thus you cannot expect discipline from them,” says a senior bureaucrat who has closely watched the Authority’s performance.
The information trail led the CBI to NHAI’s chief general manager, S.K. Nirmal, a general manager, Nitin Jain and a Rs. 2,000-crore upcoming tender to build a 174-km highway connecting Nagpur in Maharashtra to Betul in Madhya Pradesh. “Our investigators came to know that these two were regularly in touch with executives with some private companies and had discussed details pertaining to a particular tender that was soon to be opened,” a CBI official told Forbes India, preferring to remain unnamed.
A few days later Oriental Structural Engineers Pvt. Ltd. (OSEL) won the Nagpur-Betul highway tender. The CBI moved quickly and raided the two NHAI officials’ residences and also the homes of OSEL managing director, K.S. Bakshi, and an employee of the firm, S.K. Dixit. Sleuths found Rs. 2.87 crore in cash at the homes of the two NHAI officials. What happened later was intriguing. All the four arrested persons were released on bail because the CBI did not file a charge sheet and NHAI signed the concession agreement with OSEL for the Nagpur-Betul highway. The CBI insists that investigations are continuing but enquiries reveal that the pace is snail like. NHAI says that signing the concession agreement was perfectly normal since the letter of award had already been issued. It says the contract will be terminated if fraud is proven.
The incident brought to light the nexus between powerful contractors and officials of NHAI that not only undermines the tendering process but also roads minister Kamal Nath’s target of building 20 km of highway every day. Yet when CBI wanted to question NHAI board member S.I. Patel in connection with the case, the road transport ministry did not allow it. Minister Kamal Nath did not speak to Forbes India for the story, neither did his office reply to emailed queries. NHAI insists that the clearance has to come from the ministry. But the real mess is at the Authority.
“I don’t think the NHAI is completely clean,” says its chairman Brijeshwar Singh in a rare admission for a government arm.
It would be difficult for the tall, soft-spoken bureaucrat to maintain otherwise. Insiders and people familiar with the organisation say that NHAI officials have capped their signing pens after the CBI started showing interest in highway contracts. NHAI has given out just three contracts in as many months. “No one’s willing to sign on files any more. People are scared that every contract they sign on would be investigated,” says a top bureaucrat familiar with the situation.
Rigging the Wheel
The Nagpur-Betul highway project began courting controversy even before the CBI entered the picture. NHAI disqualified L&T, one of the 13 companies that had participated in the tender, saying that its request for qualification (RFQ) document was not serially numbered. The company filed a writ petition before the Delhi High Court challenging the disqualification but later withdrew it. In its petition, the company had said that the ground on which it was disqualified was “…an incorrect observation and was very easily rectifiable.”
NHAI responded that other applicants could accuse it of acting in an arbitrary manner if it prequalified L&T despite its application not conforming with RFQ documents. Enquiries suggest something else. An executive with one of the bidders in the Nagpur-Betul contract says that his company as well as others got telephone calls from a rival asking them to withdraw their bids. He says it was not the first time.
“There have been several instances of companies getting calls asking them to withdraw their bids. In this case too, such calls were made,” says the executive whose company has participated in several large tenders. He said that it was difficult to imagine that the top brass at NHAI was unaware of such incidents.
“The bane of this whole highways programme is corruption. The Authority never penalises the contractors despite their shoddy performance and thus you cannot expect discipline from them,” says a senior bureaucrat who has closely watched the Authority’s performance.
Contractors pay overseeing engineers to raise the cost of
projects to increase their profit margins. They bribe officials to deviate from
the terms of contracts and allow execution delays. “They are allowed to overrun
the costs as well as time, and that too many times over,” the bureaucrat says.
The Comptroller and Auditor General had said in a report
two years ago that the NHAI’s estimates had gone haywire in many projects
because of faulty preparation of detailed project reports (DPR). In the
Delhi-Gurgaon project, for instance the DPR envisaged construction of an
eight-lane highway. However, the Authority changed the scope of work on several
occasions, which led to a 21 percent increase in the project cost. In two other
highway projects, the NHAI did not even prepare DPRs, the CAG pointed out.
Five years ago, the prime minister’s committee on infrastructure had decided that the authority must take to turnkey projects in order to ensure that deadlines were met and costs were kept under control. The authority has ignored the suggestion so far and does projects on an item-rate basis with the scope of work and deadlines shifting often. That there are frequent lapses in execution is evident as NHAI keeps warning contractors for shoddy execution. Yet, it is more like a rap on the knuckles.
Five years ago, the prime minister’s committee on infrastructure had decided that the authority must take to turnkey projects in order to ensure that deadlines were met and costs were kept under control. The authority has ignored the suggestion so far and does projects on an item-rate basis with the scope of work and deadlines shifting often. That there are frequent lapses in execution is evident as NHAI keeps warning contractors for shoddy execution. Yet, it is more like a rap on the knuckles.
The Soft Whip
If you look at the list of companies who have been blacklisted, you will find that half of them are foreign players who had already started pulling out of NHDP [National Highway Development Project] works. NHAI will not pull up the large domestic contractors simply because they need the services of these players if they want to build more roads,” said an expert on the sector who did not wish to be identified. In fact, the Authority has not updated its list of non-performers for six years. That is not because the contractors had suddenly fallen in line.
NHAI terminated the 485-km Lucknow-Muzzafarpur highway project last year after the World Bank, which had funded the project, threatened to pull out because of poor contractor performance and large variation from original estimates. The authority did not, however, act until the then finance minister P. Chidambaram wrote a stinker to T.R. Baalu, who was then holding the highways portfolio, urging him to intervene as the NHAI had consistently failed to take remedial action.
“This decision [the World Bank’s decision to pull out] poses a reputational risk as far as India’s engagement with the World Bank is concerned, specially taking into account the fact that the country strategy for India will be discussed before the board on December 12, 2008,” Chidambaram wrote on November 18, 2008.
NHAI issued a warning to the contractors — Madhucon Projects Ltd., Progressive Constructions Ltd. and Nagarjuna Constructions — but did not take any follow-up action. A former NHAI official says that the Authority was reluctant to even encash bank guarantees because its board was under political pressure for over a year. The companies did not respond to Forbes India’s queries. “There is a severe scarcity of seasoned contractors and to that extent NHAI also has no choice but look the other way every now and then,” he says.
Even human tragedies have failed to move it. NHAI gave a clean chit to Gammon India and its partner after a bridge that they were building in Kota in Rajasthan last year collapsed, killing more than 20 people, mostly workers.
NHAI’s general manager in charge of Rajasthan, L.P. Padhy, says Hyundai Engineering and Gammon continue to be part of the project. “We are trying to save this project and are trying to identify what the problems are. The contractors are definitely part of this effort as of now.”
In April 2010, minister of state for road transport, R.P.N. Singh, informed Parliament that three-fourths of the 230 projects were completed behind schedule. Another 123 projects that are under construction are also delayed, he told lawmakers.
If you look at the list of companies who have been blacklisted, you will find that half of them are foreign players who had already started pulling out of NHDP [National Highway Development Project] works. NHAI will not pull up the large domestic contractors simply because they need the services of these players if they want to build more roads,” said an expert on the sector who did not wish to be identified. In fact, the Authority has not updated its list of non-performers for six years. That is not because the contractors had suddenly fallen in line.
NHAI terminated the 485-km Lucknow-Muzzafarpur highway project last year after the World Bank, which had funded the project, threatened to pull out because of poor contractor performance and large variation from original estimates. The authority did not, however, act until the then finance minister P. Chidambaram wrote a stinker to T.R. Baalu, who was then holding the highways portfolio, urging him to intervene as the NHAI had consistently failed to take remedial action.
“This decision [the World Bank’s decision to pull out] poses a reputational risk as far as India’s engagement with the World Bank is concerned, specially taking into account the fact that the country strategy for India will be discussed before the board on December 12, 2008,” Chidambaram wrote on November 18, 2008.
NHAI issued a warning to the contractors — Madhucon Projects Ltd., Progressive Constructions Ltd. and Nagarjuna Constructions — but did not take any follow-up action. A former NHAI official says that the Authority was reluctant to even encash bank guarantees because its board was under political pressure for over a year. The companies did not respond to Forbes India’s queries. “There is a severe scarcity of seasoned contractors and to that extent NHAI also has no choice but look the other way every now and then,” he says.
Even human tragedies have failed to move it. NHAI gave a clean chit to Gammon India and its partner after a bridge that they were building in Kota in Rajasthan last year collapsed, killing more than 20 people, mostly workers.
NHAI’s general manager in charge of Rajasthan, L.P. Padhy, says Hyundai Engineering and Gammon continue to be part of the project. “We are trying to save this project and are trying to identify what the problems are. The contractors are definitely part of this effort as of now.”
In April 2010, minister of state for road transport, R.P.N. Singh, informed Parliament that three-fourths of the 230 projects were completed behind schedule. Another 123 projects that are under construction are also delayed, he told lawmakers.
The Roadblocks
Even the contractors blame the NHAI for delays. National Highway Builders Federation director general, M. Murali, says that projects are delayed because of NHAI’s ambiguous stand on land acquisition. “The contractors rarely get the land on time and even when they do there would be stretches that are locked up in legal disputes. But when the projects get delayed it is the contractors who are targetted,” he says. NHAI had declared in 2002 that it would put up highway projects for bidding only after acquiring 80 percent of the required land. It later lowered the target to 40 percent. “There are cases where contractors have not been given land even after half the concession period has passed,” Murali says.
NHAI has drawn flak for its financial acumen too. A Planning Commission report says that NHAI is inching towards bankruptcy under mounting debt. The report, prepared by Gajendra Haldea, advisor (infrastructure) in the Planning Commission, says NHAI would spend about Rs. 50,000 crore in the next three years, only half of which will come from cess. “They are also talking about enhancing the Viability Gap Funding for highway projects. From where are they going to raise this money?” asked a government official familiar with the report.
Another senior government official who has inspected the working of NHAI says that the highways programme would run into trouble unless the implementing agency was cut loose of government control. He suggested that NHAI could enter into an MoU with the government undertaking to construct a certain length of highways every year. The selection of officials to the board and their postings should be kept out of the purview of the road transport ministry, he said. “The NHAI has had seven chairmen in recent years. How will they ever be able to function properly unless they are given autonomy?” he asked.
An inter-ministerial group’s two-year-old suggestions to reform the Authority are gathering dust. The group had suggested a fixed three-year term for the chairman and increasing the number of board members. It had also suggested better project evaluation systems and superior project reports.
So far, no one is listening.
INTERVIEW
Brijeshwar Singh: “I don’t think NHAI is completely clean”
Excerpts from an interview with NHAI chairman Brijeshwar Singh
How has the NHDP programme progressed and how many projects have been awarded this year compared to last year?
In 2009, we awarded 27 projects up to December with a total length of 2,491 km. This year, we have finished 50 projects with a length of 4,555 km. We now have 10,000 km as work in progress while last year we had less than 5,000 km. There is an almost 100 percent increase when compared with last year.
But between July and September, the NHAI awarded only three projects. There is speculation that the reason for this slow down in awarding contracts is that there is now a sense of caution in the NHAI after the CBI investigation into the Nagpur-Betul highway contract…
If there was a sense of caution, we would not have had a four-fold increase in land acquisition. After the agreement was signed [in the Nagpur-Betul project], that sense of caution should have got reversed. It really has to do with the fact that you are at the tail end of the work plan.
What are your observations on the CBI inquiry into the contract and the arrest of NHAI officers?
The concession agreement was signed with the party that was L1 [the company that submitted the lowest bid]. Prima facie, we didn’t see any element of fraud in the process. The CBI is yet to file a charge sheet and they are still continuing investigations. It is for the investigative agency to bring the facts to light before a magistrate.
Why would you want to sign the concession agreement when the matter is under scrutiny?
The concession agreement was signed after a letter of award was issued. So we are duty bound to award the contract. We normally sign the concession agreement within 90 days.
You don’t have an option once the contract is awarded. The letter of award has not been quashed. If any fraud is proved, the contract is liable for termination.
Do you believe that NHAI is a clean institution?
NHAI has had cases of corruption where we have taken action. I don’t think NHAI is a completely clean organisation but we have taken action wherever we found sufficient grounds for doing so. Our disciplinary powers are confined to only our staff and we have a huge number
of people who have come on deputation.
Even the contractors blame the NHAI for delays. National Highway Builders Federation director general, M. Murali, says that projects are delayed because of NHAI’s ambiguous stand on land acquisition. “The contractors rarely get the land on time and even when they do there would be stretches that are locked up in legal disputes. But when the projects get delayed it is the contractors who are targetted,” he says. NHAI had declared in 2002 that it would put up highway projects for bidding only after acquiring 80 percent of the required land. It later lowered the target to 40 percent. “There are cases where contractors have not been given land even after half the concession period has passed,” Murali says.
NHAI has drawn flak for its financial acumen too. A Planning Commission report says that NHAI is inching towards bankruptcy under mounting debt. The report, prepared by Gajendra Haldea, advisor (infrastructure) in the Planning Commission, says NHAI would spend about Rs. 50,000 crore in the next three years, only half of which will come from cess. “They are also talking about enhancing the Viability Gap Funding for highway projects. From where are they going to raise this money?” asked a government official familiar with the report.
Another senior government official who has inspected the working of NHAI says that the highways programme would run into trouble unless the implementing agency was cut loose of government control. He suggested that NHAI could enter into an MoU with the government undertaking to construct a certain length of highways every year. The selection of officials to the board and their postings should be kept out of the purview of the road transport ministry, he said. “The NHAI has had seven chairmen in recent years. How will they ever be able to function properly unless they are given autonomy?” he asked.
An inter-ministerial group’s two-year-old suggestions to reform the Authority are gathering dust. The group had suggested a fixed three-year term for the chairman and increasing the number of board members. It had also suggested better project evaluation systems and superior project reports.
So far, no one is listening.
INTERVIEW
Brijeshwar Singh: “I don’t think NHAI is completely clean”
Excerpts from an interview with NHAI chairman Brijeshwar Singh
How has the NHDP programme progressed and how many projects have been awarded this year compared to last year?
In 2009, we awarded 27 projects up to December with a total length of 2,491 km. This year, we have finished 50 projects with a length of 4,555 km. We now have 10,000 km as work in progress while last year we had less than 5,000 km. There is an almost 100 percent increase when compared with last year.
But between July and September, the NHAI awarded only three projects. There is speculation that the reason for this slow down in awarding contracts is that there is now a sense of caution in the NHAI after the CBI investigation into the Nagpur-Betul highway contract…
If there was a sense of caution, we would not have had a four-fold increase in land acquisition. After the agreement was signed [in the Nagpur-Betul project], that sense of caution should have got reversed. It really has to do with the fact that you are at the tail end of the work plan.
What are your observations on the CBI inquiry into the contract and the arrest of NHAI officers?
The concession agreement was signed with the party that was L1 [the company that submitted the lowest bid]. Prima facie, we didn’t see any element of fraud in the process. The CBI is yet to file a charge sheet and they are still continuing investigations. It is for the investigative agency to bring the facts to light before a magistrate.
Why would you want to sign the concession agreement when the matter is under scrutiny?
The concession agreement was signed after a letter of award was issued. So we are duty bound to award the contract. We normally sign the concession agreement within 90 days.
You don’t have an option once the contract is awarded. The letter of award has not been quashed. If any fraud is proved, the contract is liable for termination.
Do you believe that NHAI is a clean institution?
NHAI has had cases of corruption where we have taken action. I don’t think NHAI is a completely clean organisation but we have taken action wherever we found sufficient grounds for doing so. Our disciplinary powers are confined to only our staff and we have a huge number
of people who have come on deputation.
Forbseindia.com
March
24th, 2012
ഹൈക്കോടതിയില് ‘കള്ളവാങ്മൂലം’, പാലിയേക്കര ടോളിനു സര്ക്കാര് സ്പോണ്സെര്ഡ് പോലീസ് സംരക്ഷണം
തൃശൂര്:
ബി.ഓ.ടി പാതയ്ക്കായി ടോള് പിരിക്കുന്നതിന് പാലിയേക്കരയില് സ്വകാര്യ കമ്പനിക്കു
സര്ക്കാര് ചെലവില് പോലീസ് സംരക്ഷണം നല്കുന്നില്ലെന്ന് ഹൈക്കോടതിയില് സര്ക്കാരിന്റെ
സത്യവാങ്മൂലം. എന്നാല് സര്ക്കാര് നല്കിയ സത്യവാങ്ങ്മൂലം പച്ചക്കള്ളമാണെന്ന്
വിവരാവകാശ പ്രകാരം ലഭിച്ച രേഖകള് തെളിയിക്കുന്നു.
റോഡ് നിര്മ്മാണം
പൂര്ത്തിയാകാതെ നിയമവിരുദ്ധമായി തുടങ്ങിയ ടോള് പിരിവിനു ഹൈക്കോടതിയുടെ
അനുമതിയില്ലാതെ സര്ക്കാര് സ്വമേധയാ പോലീസ് സംരക്ഷണം നല്കുകയായിരുന്നു എന്നും, പതിവിനു വ്യത്യസ്തമായി സര്ക്കാര്
ചെലവിലാണ് ഇവിടെ പോലീസ് സംരക്ഷണം നല്കുന്നതെന്നും തെളിയിക്കുന്ന രേഖകള് ‘ഡൂള് ന്യൂസി’ന് ലഭിച്ചു. ‘പാലിയേക്കര ടോള് പ്ലാസയില് ടോള്
പിരിക്കുന്നതിന് പോലീസ് സംരക്ഷണം നല്കുന്നത് സര്ക്കാര് നിര്ദ്ദേശം
അനുസരിച്ചാണ്.’ എന്നാണു
മറുപടിയില് പറയുന്നത്. ‘ഏകജാലക
കമ്പനി ടോള് പിരിക്കുന്നതിന് പോലീസ് സംരക്ഷണം ലഭിക്കുന്നതിനു വേണ്ടി ഗവണ്മെന്റ്
ട്രഷറിയില് തുക അടച്ചിട്ടില്ല്’ എന്നും രേഖയില് പറയുന്നു.
ഹരിദാസ്
ഇറവക്കാട് എന്ന സമരസമിതി പ്രവര്ത്തകന് വിവരാവകാശനിയമ പ്രകാരം തൃശൂര്
റൂറല് ഡി.വൈ.എസ്.പി ഓഫീസില് നിന്ന് ലഭിച്ച മറുപടിയിലാണ് സര്ക്കാരിന്റെ ‘കള്ളവാങ്മൂലം’ പൊളിയുന്നത്.
പോലീസ്
സംരക്ഷണം ലഭിക്കണമെങ്കില് പൗരന്മാര് ട്രഷറിയില് പണം ഒടുക്കേണ്ടതുണ്ട്. എന്നാല്
റോഡുപണി തീരും മുന്പേ അനധികൃതമായി ടോള് പിരിക്കുന്ന സ്വകാര്യ കമ്പനിക്കു സര്ക്കാര്
ചെലവിലാണ് പോലീസ് സംരക്ഷണം നല്കുന്നത്. കള്ള സത്യവാങ്മൂലം നല്കി ഹൈക്കോടതിയെ
തെറ്റിധരിപ്പിച്ചതിനു നിയമനടപടി സ്വീകരിക്കുമെന്ന് കേസിലെ പരാതിക്കാരനായ ജോയ്
കൈതാരം അറിയിച്ചു.
Toll Strike – PALIYEKARA 19 Aprl
2012 Madhyamam Daily
പൊതുവഴികളെ
ജാതിമേധാവികള് കുത്തകയാക്കിവെക്കുന്നതിനെതിരെ, മുഴുവന്
മനുഷ്യരുടെയും സഞ്ചാര സ്വാതന്ത്രൃത്തിനും പൊതുവഴികളുടെ 'പൊതുത്വ'ത്തിനും വേണ്ടി നടന്ന
സമരങ്ങള് കേരളീയ നവോത്ഥാനത്തെ രൂപപ്പെടുത്തുന്നതില് നിര്ണായക
പങ്കുവഹിച്ചിട്ടുണ്ട്. പൊതുവഴികളിലെ സവര്ണ
കുത്തക അവസാനിപ്പിച്ച നമ്മള് ഇന്ന് പുത്തന് മൂലധന ശക്തികള് പൊതുവഴികള് കൈയേറി
ചുങ്കം പിരിക്കുന്നതിനെ നിസ്സംഗമായി നോക്കിനില്ക്കുകയാണ്. തൃശൂര് ജില്ലയിലെ
പാലിയേക്കരയില്, ദേശീയപാതയിലെ ചുങ്കപ്പിരിവിനെതിരെ കഴിഞ്ഞ ഫെബ്രുവരി 19 മുതല് നടക്കുന്ന നിരാഹാര സത്യഗ്രഹ സമരം ചരിത്രപ്രസക്തവും നിര്ണായകവുമാകുന്നത്
ഈ പശ്ചാത്തലത്തിലാണ്. മുഴുവന് മലയാളികളുടെയും
ശ്രദ്ധയും പിന്തുണയും ആ സമരം ആവശ്യപ്പെടുന്നുണ്ട്. വൈക്കം, ഗുരുവായൂര് സത്യഗ്രഹങ്ങളെപ്പോലെ
ചരിത്രപരമാണ് പാലിയേക്കര സത്യഗ്രഹവും.
ബി.ഒ.ടി രീതിയിലുള്ള ദേശീയപാത വികസനവുമായി ബന്ധപ്പെട്ട കണക്കുകളും അക്കങ്ങളും പരിശോധിക്കാന്നിന്നാല് നാം ശരിക്കും സ്തബ്ധരായിപ്പോകും. 2ജി സ്പെക്ട്രം അഴിമതിയെക്കാള് വലുതാണിതെന്ന് വി.എം. സുധീരന് പറഞ്ഞത് ഈ അക്കങ്ങളുടെ വ്യാപ്തി കണ്ടിട്ടാണ്. നമുക്ക് ആ കണക്കുകളിലേക്ക് ചെറുതായൊന്ന് പോകാം: സംസ്ഥാന പൊതുമരാമത്ത് വകുപ്പിന്റെ കണക്കില് ഒരു കി.മീ നാലുവരിപ്പാത നിര്മിക്കാന് ആറുമുതല് ഏഴരക്കോടി രൂപവരെയാണ് ചെലവ്. ബി.ഒ.ടി കമ്പനിക്കാരന്റെ കണക്കില് ഇത് 17 മുതല് 25 കോടി രൂപവരെ! കാസര്കോട് മുതല് ഇടപ്പള്ളിവരെയുള്ള ദേശീയപാത നാലുവരിയാക്കാന് പി.ഡബ്ല്യു.ഡി കണക്ക് പ്രകാരം 3000 കോടി രൂപ (പാലങ്ങളും അനുബന്ധ സംവിധാനങ്ങളുമുള്പ്പെടെ). സ്വകാര്യ ബി.ഒ.ടിക്കാരുടെ കണക്കില് ഇത് 8000 കോടി രൂപ. സ്വകാര്യ കമ്പനികളുമായി സര്ക്കാറുണ്ടാക്കിയ കരാര് പ്രകാരം മൊത്തം നിര്മാണച്ചെലവിന്റെ (ആ ചെലവ് കമ്പനിയാണ് നിശ്ചയിക്കുന്നത്!) 40 ശതമാനം സര്ക്കാര് നല്കണം. അതായത് നാലുവരിപ്പാതയാക്കി വികസിപ്പിക്കുന്നതിന് പി.ഡബ്ല്യു.ഡി കണക്കാക്കിയ 3000 കോടിയേക്കാള് അധികം തുക (3200 കോടി രൂപ) സര്ക്കാര് സ്വകാര്യ കമ്പനിക്ക് നല്കണം. ആ പണം കൊണ്ട് സ്വകാര്യ കമ്പനി റോഡ് വിപുലീകരിക്കും. കൂടാതെ റോഡിനാവശ്യമായ സ്ഥലം ഏറ്റെടുത്ത് നല്കല്, സ്ഥലവാസികള്ക്കുള്ള നഷ്ടപരിഹാരം എന്നിവയും സര്ക്കാര്തന്നെ നിര്വഹിക്കണം. കോടിക്കണക്കിന് രൂപ ഇതിനു വേണ്ടിയും സര്ക്കാര് മാറ്റി വെക്കണം. ഇങ്ങനെയൊക്കെ ആയ ശേഷം ബഹുമാനപ്പെട്ട സ്വകാര്യ കമ്പനി റോഡ് നിര്മിച്ചു കഴിഞ്ഞാല് 30 വര്ഷത്തേക്ക് റോഡിന് ഉടമസ്ഥാവകാശം റോഡ് പണി നടത്തിയ കമ്പനിക്കാണ്. നോക്കണേ, നേരത്തെ നിലവിലുള്ള റോഡ്, അതിന് ഇരുവശവും സര്ക്കാര് അധികമായി ഏറ്റെടുത്ത് നല്കിയ ഭൂമി, റോഡ് നിര്മാണത്തിന് 40 ശതമാനം ഗ്രാന്റ് ഇതെല്ലാത്തിനു ശേഷവും റോഡിന്റെ 30 കൊല്ലത്തെ ഉടമ പണി നടത്തിയ കമ്പനിയും! ഇക്കാലയളവില് കമ്പനി തോന്നിയമാതിരി ചുങ്കം പിരിക്കും. ചുങ്ക റോഡിന് സമാന്തരമായി മറ്റൊരു റോഡും ഈ 30 കൊല്ലത്തിനിടയില് സര്ക്കാര് പണിയാന് പാടില്ല എന്നൊരു വ്യവസ്ഥയുമുണ്ട്. ചുങ്ക നിരക്ക് ആവശ്യാനുസൃതം വര്ധിപ്പിക്കാനുള്ള അവകാശവും സ്വകാര്യ കമ്പനിയില് നിക്ഷിപ്തമത്രെ. ചെറിയ വണ്ടികള്ക്ക് (കാര്, ജീപ്പ്) കിലോ മീറ്ററിന് 85 പൈസയെന്നാണ് ഇപ്പോള് നിശ്ചയിക്കപ്പെട്ടിരിക്കുന്ന തുക (ഭാരവണ്ടികള്, ലോറികള് എന്നിവക്ക് യഥാക്രമം 4.70 രൂപ, മൂന്നു രൂപ എന്നിങ്ങനെയും). ഇപ്പോഴത്തെ ഈ നിരക്കുതന്നെ തുടരുകയാണെങ്കില് 30 വര്ഷം കൊണ്ട് സ്വകാര്യ കമ്പനികള്ക്ക് ബഹുകോടികള് വാരിയെടുക്കാനുള്ള കേന്ദ്രങ്ങളായി ഓരോ ടോള് ബൂത്തും മാറും.
കൈയില് കാശില്ലെന്ന സ്ഥിരം ന്യായത്തിലാണ് റോഡ് നിര്മാണം സര്ക്കാര് സ്വകാര്യ കമ്പനികളെ ഏല്പിക്കുന്നത്. ഇന്ധന നികുതി, വാഹന നികുതി, റോഡ് നികുതി, രജിസ്ട്രേഷന് ചാര്ജ്, ലൈസന്സ് ഫീ, ഗതാഗത പിഴ എന്നിവയിലൂടെ സര്ക്കാര് ജനങ്ങളില്നിന്ന് ഈടാക്കുന്ന കോടികള് എങ്ങോട്ടാണ് പോകുന്നത്? ഹൈവെ വികസനത്തിനുവേണ്ടി മാത്രം സംസ്ഥാന സര്ക്കാര് ലിറ്ററിന് മൂന്ന് രൂപ ഇന്ധന സെസ് വാങ്ങുന്നതിന്റെ അര്ഥമെന്താണ്? കൈയില് കാശില്ലെന്ന് പറയുന്ന അതേ സര്ക്കാര് ബഹുകോടികള് സ്വകാര്യ കമ്പനികള്ക്ക് റോഡ് നിര്മാണത്തിന് ഗ്രാന്റായി നല്കുന്നതെങ്ങനെയാണ്? ഹൈവെ വികസനവുമായി ബന്ധപ്പെട്ട ഇത്തരം ചോദ്യങ്ങള് അനന്തമാണ്. അങ്ങേയറ്റം ദുരൂഹവും അപസര്പ്പക സ്വഭാവത്തിലുള്ളതുമായ കളികളാണ് ഇതിന്റെ പിന്നിലെന്ന് വ്യക്തം.
ചുങ്കപ്പാതകള് ലോകത്തെങ്ങും യാഥാര്ഥ്യമായിക്കഴിഞ്ഞു, നമുക്ക് മാത്രം പിന്തിരിയാന് കഴിയില്ല എന്നതാണ് ചുങ്കവാദികളുടെ ഒരു ന്യായം. ശരിയാണ്, കിടയറ്റ സൗകര്യങ്ങളോടു കൂടി സ്വകാര്യ പാതകള് ലോകത്ത് പലേടത്തുമുണ്ട്. എന്നാല്, പൊതുപാതകളെ നശിപ്പിച്ചു കൊണ്ടല്ല, വികസിപ്പിച്ചതിന് ശേഷമാണ് അവിടങ്ങളില് അത്തരം പാതകള് പണിയുന്നത്. ഇവിടെ നടക്കുന്നത് അതല്ല. ജനങ്ങളുടെ നികുതിപ്പണം കൊണ്ട് പണിത ദേശീയപാതകള് സ്വകാര്യ കമ്പനികള്ക്ക് കൈമാറുകയാണ്. അവര് അതിന്റെ അപ്പുറവും ഇപ്പുറവും സര്ക്കാര് ഏറ്റെടുത്തു കൊടുത്ത ഭൂമിയില് അല്പം മണ്ണും ടാറുമിട്ട് തങ്ങളുടേതാക്കുന്നു. കേരളത്തില് വ്യാപകമായ ഇട റോഡുകളില്നിന്ന് ഹൈവേയിലേക്കുള്ള പ്രവേശനം പോലും നിഷേധിക്കപ്പെടുകയോ നിയന്ത്രിക്കപ്പെടുകയോ ചെയ്യുന്നു.
പാലിയേക്കരയില് നടക്കുന്ന സമരം പൊതുപാതകള് അന്യാധീനപ്പെടുന്നതിനെതിരായ ചരിത്രപരമായ ചെറുത്തുനില്പാണ്. വന്കിട നിര്മാണ കമ്പനികള് വ്യത്യസ്ത രാഷ്ട്രീയ പാര്ട്ടികളെ വിലക്കെടുത്താണ് ഒറ്റ നോട്ടത്തില്തന്നെ അറുപിന്തിരിപ്പനായ ഈ പദ്ധതിയുമായി മുന്നോട്ടുപോവുന്നത്. അതുകൊണ്ട് തന്നെയാണ് മുഖ്യധാരാ രാഷ്ട്രീയ പാര്ട്ടികള് ഈ സമരത്തോട് മുഖം തിരിക്കുന്നതും. കേരളത്തിലെ ദേശീയപാതകളുടെ ഇരുവശങ്ങളിലും കത്തിപ്പടരുന്ന ജനരോഷത്തെ അവര് അവഗണിക്കുന്നതും അതുകൊണ്ടുതന്നെ. മൂലധന, കുത്തക താല്പര്യങ്ങള്ക്കെതിരെ ഗീര്വാണം മുഴക്കുന്ന സി.പി.എമ്മും ഈ സമരത്തില്നിന്ന് അകലെയാണ്. സ്വകാര്യ കുത്തകകള് അവരെയും വിലക്കെടുത്തു കഴിഞ്ഞിരിക്കുന്നുവെന്നതാണ് സത്യം. പക്ഷേ, ഇടതുപക്ഷത്ത് തന്നെയുള്ള ശാസ്ത്ര സാഹിത്യ പരിഷത്ത് വിഷയത്തെ ഗൗരവത്തില് പഠിക്കാനും ഹൈവെ വികസനത്തിന്റെ പേരിലെ തീവെട്ടിക്കൊള്ളക്കെതിരെ പ്രതികരിക്കാനുമുണ്ട്. മുഖ്യധാരാ കക്ഷികള് കൈയൊഴിഞ്ഞ ജനകീയ പ്രശ്നങ്ങളെ ഏറ്റെടുക്കുന്ന നവസാമൂഹിക മുന്നേറ്റങ്ങളാണ് നമ്മുടെ കാലത്ത് രാഷ്ട്രീയത്തെ സജീവമാക്കുന്നത്. അത്തരം ശക്തികളും സംഘങ്ങളുമാണ് പാലിയേക്കര സമരത്തിന്റെ ഊര്ജം. ചരിത്രപരമായ വലിയൊരു ദൗത്യമാണ് പാലിയേക്കരയിലെ സത്യഗ്രഹികള് ഏറ്റെടുത്തിരിക്കന്നത്. അവരെ പിന്തുണക്കേണ്ടത് നീതിയില് വിശ്വസിക്കുന്ന എല്ലാവരുടെയും കടമയാണ്...
ബി.ഒ.ടി രീതിയിലുള്ള ദേശീയപാത വികസനവുമായി ബന്ധപ്പെട്ട കണക്കുകളും അക്കങ്ങളും പരിശോധിക്കാന്നിന്നാല് നാം ശരിക്കും സ്തബ്ധരായിപ്പോകും. 2ജി സ്പെക്ട്രം അഴിമതിയെക്കാള് വലുതാണിതെന്ന് വി.എം. സുധീരന് പറഞ്ഞത് ഈ അക്കങ്ങളുടെ വ്യാപ്തി കണ്ടിട്ടാണ്. നമുക്ക് ആ കണക്കുകളിലേക്ക് ചെറുതായൊന്ന് പോകാം: സംസ്ഥാന പൊതുമരാമത്ത് വകുപ്പിന്റെ കണക്കില് ഒരു കി.മീ നാലുവരിപ്പാത നിര്മിക്കാന് ആറുമുതല് ഏഴരക്കോടി രൂപവരെയാണ് ചെലവ്. ബി.ഒ.ടി കമ്പനിക്കാരന്റെ കണക്കില് ഇത് 17 മുതല് 25 കോടി രൂപവരെ! കാസര്കോട് മുതല് ഇടപ്പള്ളിവരെയുള്ള ദേശീയപാത നാലുവരിയാക്കാന് പി.ഡബ്ല്യു.ഡി കണക്ക് പ്രകാരം 3000 കോടി രൂപ (പാലങ്ങളും അനുബന്ധ സംവിധാനങ്ങളുമുള്പ്പെടെ). സ്വകാര്യ ബി.ഒ.ടിക്കാരുടെ കണക്കില് ഇത് 8000 കോടി രൂപ. സ്വകാര്യ കമ്പനികളുമായി സര്ക്കാറുണ്ടാക്കിയ കരാര് പ്രകാരം മൊത്തം നിര്മാണച്ചെലവിന്റെ (ആ ചെലവ് കമ്പനിയാണ് നിശ്ചയിക്കുന്നത്!) 40 ശതമാനം സര്ക്കാര് നല്കണം. അതായത് നാലുവരിപ്പാതയാക്കി വികസിപ്പിക്കുന്നതിന് പി.ഡബ്ല്യു.ഡി കണക്കാക്കിയ 3000 കോടിയേക്കാള് അധികം തുക (3200 കോടി രൂപ) സര്ക്കാര് സ്വകാര്യ കമ്പനിക്ക് നല്കണം. ആ പണം കൊണ്ട് സ്വകാര്യ കമ്പനി റോഡ് വിപുലീകരിക്കും. കൂടാതെ റോഡിനാവശ്യമായ സ്ഥലം ഏറ്റെടുത്ത് നല്കല്, സ്ഥലവാസികള്ക്കുള്ള നഷ്ടപരിഹാരം എന്നിവയും സര്ക്കാര്തന്നെ നിര്വഹിക്കണം. കോടിക്കണക്കിന് രൂപ ഇതിനു വേണ്ടിയും സര്ക്കാര് മാറ്റി വെക്കണം. ഇങ്ങനെയൊക്കെ ആയ ശേഷം ബഹുമാനപ്പെട്ട സ്വകാര്യ കമ്പനി റോഡ് നിര്മിച്ചു കഴിഞ്ഞാല് 30 വര്ഷത്തേക്ക് റോഡിന് ഉടമസ്ഥാവകാശം റോഡ് പണി നടത്തിയ കമ്പനിക്കാണ്. നോക്കണേ, നേരത്തെ നിലവിലുള്ള റോഡ്, അതിന് ഇരുവശവും സര്ക്കാര് അധികമായി ഏറ്റെടുത്ത് നല്കിയ ഭൂമി, റോഡ് നിര്മാണത്തിന് 40 ശതമാനം ഗ്രാന്റ് ഇതെല്ലാത്തിനു ശേഷവും റോഡിന്റെ 30 കൊല്ലത്തെ ഉടമ പണി നടത്തിയ കമ്പനിയും! ഇക്കാലയളവില് കമ്പനി തോന്നിയമാതിരി ചുങ്കം പിരിക്കും. ചുങ്ക റോഡിന് സമാന്തരമായി മറ്റൊരു റോഡും ഈ 30 കൊല്ലത്തിനിടയില് സര്ക്കാര് പണിയാന് പാടില്ല എന്നൊരു വ്യവസ്ഥയുമുണ്ട്. ചുങ്ക നിരക്ക് ആവശ്യാനുസൃതം വര്ധിപ്പിക്കാനുള്ള അവകാശവും സ്വകാര്യ കമ്പനിയില് നിക്ഷിപ്തമത്രെ. ചെറിയ വണ്ടികള്ക്ക് (കാര്, ജീപ്പ്) കിലോ മീറ്ററിന് 85 പൈസയെന്നാണ് ഇപ്പോള് നിശ്ചയിക്കപ്പെട്ടിരിക്കുന്ന തുക (ഭാരവണ്ടികള്, ലോറികള് എന്നിവക്ക് യഥാക്രമം 4.70 രൂപ, മൂന്നു രൂപ എന്നിങ്ങനെയും). ഇപ്പോഴത്തെ ഈ നിരക്കുതന്നെ തുടരുകയാണെങ്കില് 30 വര്ഷം കൊണ്ട് സ്വകാര്യ കമ്പനികള്ക്ക് ബഹുകോടികള് വാരിയെടുക്കാനുള്ള കേന്ദ്രങ്ങളായി ഓരോ ടോള് ബൂത്തും മാറും.
കൈയില് കാശില്ലെന്ന സ്ഥിരം ന്യായത്തിലാണ് റോഡ് നിര്മാണം സര്ക്കാര് സ്വകാര്യ കമ്പനികളെ ഏല്പിക്കുന്നത്. ഇന്ധന നികുതി, വാഹന നികുതി, റോഡ് നികുതി, രജിസ്ട്രേഷന് ചാര്ജ്, ലൈസന്സ് ഫീ, ഗതാഗത പിഴ എന്നിവയിലൂടെ സര്ക്കാര് ജനങ്ങളില്നിന്ന് ഈടാക്കുന്ന കോടികള് എങ്ങോട്ടാണ് പോകുന്നത്? ഹൈവെ വികസനത്തിനുവേണ്ടി മാത്രം സംസ്ഥാന സര്ക്കാര് ലിറ്ററിന് മൂന്ന് രൂപ ഇന്ധന സെസ് വാങ്ങുന്നതിന്റെ അര്ഥമെന്താണ്? കൈയില് കാശില്ലെന്ന് പറയുന്ന അതേ സര്ക്കാര് ബഹുകോടികള് സ്വകാര്യ കമ്പനികള്ക്ക് റോഡ് നിര്മാണത്തിന് ഗ്രാന്റായി നല്കുന്നതെങ്ങനെയാണ്? ഹൈവെ വികസനവുമായി ബന്ധപ്പെട്ട ഇത്തരം ചോദ്യങ്ങള് അനന്തമാണ്. അങ്ങേയറ്റം ദുരൂഹവും അപസര്പ്പക സ്വഭാവത്തിലുള്ളതുമായ കളികളാണ് ഇതിന്റെ പിന്നിലെന്ന് വ്യക്തം.
ചുങ്കപ്പാതകള് ലോകത്തെങ്ങും യാഥാര്ഥ്യമായിക്കഴിഞ്ഞു, നമുക്ക് മാത്രം പിന്തിരിയാന് കഴിയില്ല എന്നതാണ് ചുങ്കവാദികളുടെ ഒരു ന്യായം. ശരിയാണ്, കിടയറ്റ സൗകര്യങ്ങളോടു കൂടി സ്വകാര്യ പാതകള് ലോകത്ത് പലേടത്തുമുണ്ട്. എന്നാല്, പൊതുപാതകളെ നശിപ്പിച്ചു കൊണ്ടല്ല, വികസിപ്പിച്ചതിന് ശേഷമാണ് അവിടങ്ങളില് അത്തരം പാതകള് പണിയുന്നത്. ഇവിടെ നടക്കുന്നത് അതല്ല. ജനങ്ങളുടെ നികുതിപ്പണം കൊണ്ട് പണിത ദേശീയപാതകള് സ്വകാര്യ കമ്പനികള്ക്ക് കൈമാറുകയാണ്. അവര് അതിന്റെ അപ്പുറവും ഇപ്പുറവും സര്ക്കാര് ഏറ്റെടുത്തു കൊടുത്ത ഭൂമിയില് അല്പം മണ്ണും ടാറുമിട്ട് തങ്ങളുടേതാക്കുന്നു. കേരളത്തില് വ്യാപകമായ ഇട റോഡുകളില്നിന്ന് ഹൈവേയിലേക്കുള്ള പ്രവേശനം പോലും നിഷേധിക്കപ്പെടുകയോ നിയന്ത്രിക്കപ്പെടുകയോ ചെയ്യുന്നു.
പാലിയേക്കരയില് നടക്കുന്ന സമരം പൊതുപാതകള് അന്യാധീനപ്പെടുന്നതിനെതിരായ ചരിത്രപരമായ ചെറുത്തുനില്പാണ്. വന്കിട നിര്മാണ കമ്പനികള് വ്യത്യസ്ത രാഷ്ട്രീയ പാര്ട്ടികളെ വിലക്കെടുത്താണ് ഒറ്റ നോട്ടത്തില്തന്നെ അറുപിന്തിരിപ്പനായ ഈ പദ്ധതിയുമായി മുന്നോട്ടുപോവുന്നത്. അതുകൊണ്ട് തന്നെയാണ് മുഖ്യധാരാ രാഷ്ട്രീയ പാര്ട്ടികള് ഈ സമരത്തോട് മുഖം തിരിക്കുന്നതും. കേരളത്തിലെ ദേശീയപാതകളുടെ ഇരുവശങ്ങളിലും കത്തിപ്പടരുന്ന ജനരോഷത്തെ അവര് അവഗണിക്കുന്നതും അതുകൊണ്ടുതന്നെ. മൂലധന, കുത്തക താല്പര്യങ്ങള്ക്കെതിരെ ഗീര്വാണം മുഴക്കുന്ന സി.പി.എമ്മും ഈ സമരത്തില്നിന്ന് അകലെയാണ്. സ്വകാര്യ കുത്തകകള് അവരെയും വിലക്കെടുത്തു കഴിഞ്ഞിരിക്കുന്നുവെന്നതാണ് സത്യം. പക്ഷേ, ഇടതുപക്ഷത്ത് തന്നെയുള്ള ശാസ്ത്ര സാഹിത്യ പരിഷത്ത് വിഷയത്തെ ഗൗരവത്തില് പഠിക്കാനും ഹൈവെ വികസനത്തിന്റെ പേരിലെ തീവെട്ടിക്കൊള്ളക്കെതിരെ പ്രതികരിക്കാനുമുണ്ട്. മുഖ്യധാരാ കക്ഷികള് കൈയൊഴിഞ്ഞ ജനകീയ പ്രശ്നങ്ങളെ ഏറ്റെടുക്കുന്ന നവസാമൂഹിക മുന്നേറ്റങ്ങളാണ് നമ്മുടെ കാലത്ത് രാഷ്ട്രീയത്തെ സജീവമാക്കുന്നത്. അത്തരം ശക്തികളും സംഘങ്ങളുമാണ് പാലിയേക്കര സമരത്തിന്റെ ഊര്ജം. ചരിത്രപരമായ വലിയൊരു ദൗത്യമാണ് പാലിയേക്കരയിലെ സത്യഗ്രഹികള് ഏറ്റെടുത്തിരിക്കന്നത്. അവരെ പിന്തുണക്കേണ്ടത് നീതിയില് വിശ്വസിക്കുന്ന എല്ലാവരുടെയും കടമയാണ്...
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